This latest round of Israeli-Palestinian warfare, in which Hamas launched a surprise attack on Israel that resulted in the deaths of hundreds of Israeli citizens and thousands more injured, leaves me with mixed feelings. I’m reminded of the troubles frontier Americans faced with hostile Indians in the nineteenth century. Putting it as simply as possible, you had an intelligent, civilized race of people competing over land and resources with a less intelligent, less civilized race of people. This is admittedly a harsh and imperfect summation, since exceptions abounded on both sides, but it will do. No competing explanation can be both economical and truthful at the same time; that is the tragic truth.
Based on this, the correct side won the Indian Wars, since only one side was capable of building a great civilization with advanced science, technology, and culture. There is a similar aptitude divide regarding the Israelis and Palestinians, with the Israelis being the more advanced party. Assuming, however, Israel’s ultimate victory in this present conflict as part of its uninterrupted stream of victories since 1948, the question arises: Does the correct side continue to win?
When I see videos and photographs of Palestinian fighters slaughtering entire Jewish families, I’m horrified on many levels. Indians also engaged in this kind of savagery against unarmed settlers and gloated about it. Fanny Kelly, who had been abducted by the Blackfeet Sioux in 1864 and spent many months with them as a captive, says as much. The Minnesota Uprising in 1862 launched a widespread paroxysm of anti-white mayhem which, according to Gregory and Susan Michno in 2007’s A Fate Worse than Death, resulted in 644 settler deaths and a near-complete depopulation of 23 counties. The Sioux raiders seized nearly 300 captives, only four of whom were men. A similar thing is going on in Israel. Palestinians, goaded by continual encroachment on what they see as their land by Israeli settlers and resenting their clearly unfair treatment by the Israeli government, react in barbarous ways. Does their barbaric behavior justify their unfair treatment? Or does their unfair treatment justify their barbarism? I’m sure this vicious cycle is older than history.
When scrolling through all the horrific news, I asked myself: With whom do I have more in common? The incensed Arab shrieking “Allahu Akbar!” as a handcuffed and bloody Israeli woman is being hauled out of a jeep, or some anonymous Israeli who was killed in his or her car on their way to the supermarket on an initially peaceful Saturday morning? The latter, of course. So if I reserve most of my sympathy for the white settlers of the American West, then consistency dictates that I do the same for the Israelis.
The problem is that these are Jews we are talking about. Historically, influential members of the Jewish diaspora have lent their considerable talents and resources towards invigorating anti-white causes in white-run nations, regardless of how badly non-whites behave. The Jewish hand behind the Civil Rights Movement in America, the anti-Apartheid movement in South Africa, and the pro-aboriginal efforts in Australia are well-known. According to Benjamin Ginsburg in his indispensable 1993 work The Fatal Embrace, Jewish organizations worked closely with and helped fund black civil rights groups during the 1960s, while Jews comprised nearly one-third of the whites who participated in civil rights marches and protests. Jewish Bolshevik historian Howard Zinn spent his career negating any legitimate white perspective with regard to their struggles with Native Americans and other non-whites. As of 2015, his book The People’s History of the United States, first published in 1980, had sold over two million copies.
Negating an entire people’s perspective on a historical conflict is what one does to one’s enemy. If you don’t have the right to take your own side in a fight, then it ultimately follows that you don’t have a right to live, either.
So if Jews have successfully enabled anti-white causes in white-run countries, is there any reason why whites shouldn’t support anti-Jewish causes in Israel? Is there any reason why whites shouldn’t root for this recent incursion and focus on Palestinian grievances while ignoring Israeli ones?
Sadly, this question cleaves a rift within the American Right. The mainstream Right abhors Palestinian barbarism and staunchly supports Israel, while the dissident Right understands the Jewish Question and so tends to be more sympathetic to the Palestinians. There are problems with this given that the Palestinians suffer from a different kind of Jewish domination than do whites. Palestinians must contend with Jews as political colonizers, while whites must contend with Jews as metapolitical decolonizers.
The following thought experiments should explain what I mean. If the Israelis were to announce their solidarity with all European peoples and insist that white-run nations adopt Israeli-levels of ethnocentric immigration control, would the dissident Right still carry water for the Palestinians? Would they do the same if the Palestinians were to suddenly promote increased Muslim emigration to the West and subjugate whites to Sharia law? The answer would be no in both cases. The dissident Right’s support for the Palestinians is therefore less about the Palestinians per se and more about sticking it to their mutual enemy, the Jews.
Because I find the Israel-Palestine conundrum so confounding, I don’t write about it often. One exception is my essay “Demoskrieg and Diaskrieg,” in which I define these terms as mutually exclusive strategies with which whites can confront their Jewish enemies:
Demoskrieg: Engaging Jews with the same weapons with which they engage whites. In this case, “weapons” refers to the reliable Jewish tactic of using blacks, browns, and aboriginals as weapons against white civilization. It also refers to its more recent flipside: the white gentile tactic of using the Palestinians as an excuse to condemn Israel.
Diaskrieg: Focusing on reversing the influence of diaspora Jews (more specifically, liberal diaspora Jews, or LDJs, as I have referred to them before) and deliberately limiting attacks on Israel, thereby giving Jews a convenient out should whites ever convince them to beat a retreat from traditionally white homelands.
The former tactic dictates that unless they show their bona fides, Jews everywhere are fair game in this metapolitical struggle, while the latter focuses more on what white and Jewish nationalists have in common and singles out globalist malefactors among the Jewish diaspora for blame. But what if Jewish nationalists in Israel collude with Jewish internationalists beyond Israel? Given the cozy relationship the Anti-Defamation League enjoys with the Israeli government, we know this happens. This means that whites cannot expect friendship from organized Jewry of any kind. This is why these days I tend to support demoskrieg — that is, sympathizing with the Palestinians despite my revulsion for their barbarism and the knowledge that whites have been victims of similar barbarism at the hands of the Native Americans.
It’s a conclusion I don’t want to draw. But until influential Jews of all stripes withdraw their hypocritical support for black and indigenous peoples in white-run countries, I can’t think of a better one.
Keep in mind that this is not the same as wanting Israel to cease to exist. I want Israel to exist, largely because when enough whites wake up to Jewish perfidy once again and do something (hopefully non-violent) about it, the guilty will have a place to go to. After all, Jews have to live somewhere, and if some Palestinians need to displaced to make room, so be it. Remember, it was never about them.
We should also remember that this is a regional hot war. Regional hot wars, if they go on long and often enough, could potentially snowball into global hot wars. Think of the 1935 Italian invasion of Ethiopia or the 1931 Japanese invasion of Manchuria — or, for that matter, the German invasion of Poland in 1939. Right now, Hezbollah is threatening to join in the fighting, having already fired rockets into Israel, and the broader Muslim world is supporting the Palestinians as well. What if America’s military aid to Israel causes Iran, and then Russia and/or China, to get involved? What then? Not likely, but possible and very frightening.
I want the fighting to end as soon as possible, of course. I feel the same way about the Russo-Ukrainian War, which is still going on after a year and a half of bloodshed. I’d rather contrive metapolitical solutions to boring historical problems than contrive political — or, God help us, military — solutions to interesting ones.
But if this war continues, it seems best for the dissident Right to do the following to politically make the most of the situation:
Our focus should be on limiting — or eliminating — US involvement in this war rather than vocally supporting or opposing either side, regardless of how we feel about it. This is the message that will gain the most traction among those Americans who would be most receptive to such a move — that is, the mainstream Right, which is tired of foreign wars, and — I shudder to say it — the radical Left. If trumpeted loudly enough, such a message will keep this Israel-Palestinian war exactly where it needs to be: regional and brief.
After the killing stops, then we can go back to making it all about the Palestinians.
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