4,702 words

A series of daily demonstrations have been taking place throughout Spain since the beginning of this month, including in the ethnically differentiated regions, in front of the offices of the Spanish Socialist Workers’ Party (PSOE), Spain’s “socialist” party.

Background

In the last Spanish general election in July of this year, the PSOE lost. Up until then the party had been governing Spain in a coalition with the neo-Communist party Podemos, which was reconverted into the “feminist”/androphobic Unidas Podemos following the previous election, and which is now consumed by a personal spat with the government’s second Vice President. It was the first coalition government of the post-Franco regime.

This government had come to power through a motion of no confidence as a result of accusations of corruption against the entire ruling party at the time. But when the PSOE itself was shown to have carried out the biggest corruption case in Spanish history, in which it stole colossal amounts of money that were destined for the unemployed in Andalusia, their government nevertheless refused to resign.

It goes without saying that the current weariness began a while ago. For example, the current President has been responsible for the huge migratory invasion that Spain has recently suffered, spreading the invaders who have been arriving in the south all over the nation as if the way to clean a dirty room was to disguise it by spreading the dirt all over the house instead of sweeping it up and taking it out.

Under this government, Spain has been one of the countries that has taken the longest to recover from the COVID crisis in terms of gross domestic product, as well as one of the Western European countries with the highest inflation (despite not being dependent on Russian energy). Additionally, given the energy crisis driven by the war in Ukraine, Spain has become more energy dependent on other countries since this government has been destroying power plants on allegedly environmentalist grounds and due to the 2030 Agenda.

Spain is also the leading country in youth unemployment within the European Union. President Pedro Sánchez has produced lousy figures for general unemployment, which has only been combated through opacity and accounting trickery by removing those who work via intermittent contracts from the category of those who are considered unemployed.

Sánchez has also signed an agreement with the Biden administration to take the excess of the invaders arriving in the United States from South America, and has presided over a runaway increase in the debt by showering public money on like-minded political entities and associations.

He has further implemented a law of historical manipulation known as “Democratic Memory,” which prohibits any denial of the official narrative of various aspects of the Spanish Civil War and Franco’s regime, as well as a law that punishes parents and psychologists who try to stop minors — who have no voting rights — from having genital mutilations performed on them if they so choose. There has also been a housing law that further protects squatters and other privileged parasites of cultural Marxism at the expense of workers and taxpayers who are homeowners, which has made it so that they cannot evict squatters for a period of years.

Sánchez’s government has also implemented a law that has reduced the sentences of more than 1,200 rapists and pedophiles, releasing more than 122 of them and counting. At the same time, however, they have encouraged general discrimination against men sex and have established the presumption of guilt in the cases of men who receive any complaint of abuse — except when it comes to the son of the Constitutional Court’s Chairman, who was elected by the current executive, and who is receiving very different treatment.

Among the multitudes of Sánchez’s unfulfilled promises is repealing the so-called “gag rule,” which he has made use of in repressing the current demonstrations.

Sánchez’s concessions

Under these circumstances, many people consider this government to be totally illegitimate.

But the spark that has lit the fuse of the protests has been the impudent negotiation of all kinds of perks — including issues that are illegal and anti-constitutional — mainly with his secessionist partners in Catalonia.

By giving in to all their demands, Sánchez has obtained the backing of 8 parties. Especially onerous have been his concessions at the expense of all citizens in order to buy the support of the last 7 votes, belonging to Junts per Catalunya, which he needed to reach the majority of more than 175 votes out of the 350 seats that the Spanish Congress of Deputies has. This support is only to invest him again as President; it is not even a legislature agreement.

Previously, President Sánchez not only gave a general pardon to his secessionist partners, but also eliminated the crime of sedition so that they can do again — this time with impunity —  what they were once tried for. He has also lowered the penalty for the crime of embezzlement, to the point of not including cases in which it cannot be proved that there has been a profit, and that benefits him personally in the case of the ICO aid granted to Playbol, the company of his own parents.

In the current agreement, assuming it does not contain secret clauses, among the regrettable potentially permanent changes that Sánchez is conceding to his partners is the amnesty for more than three hundred secessionist politicians involved in the illegal referendum — both for those convicted and those not yet prosecuted — and the possibility of holding a real self-determination referendum for Catalonia.

In other words, the same people who broke the law, organizing the farce of the 2017 Catalan independence referendum, are those whom President Pedro Sánchez is allowing to write the law that will leave them unpunished for their attempted secessionist coup, and reward them with countless privileges and concessions.

It was intended that the amnesty would apply not only to those related to the attempted secession, but also to corruption offenses. It seems that this will not finally prosper; not because this presidential turd was not willing to pay the price, but because of the complaints of the other secessionist party, Esquerra Republicana de Catalunya, with identical representation as Junts, but which, unlike the latter, is not tainted with corruption cases.

The agreement also tries to protect the CDR and Tsunami Democràtic. In theory, it is not legal to grant amnesty to those who have practiced terrorism (something that the leader of Junts, Carles Puigdemont, has also been accused of recently), but, of course, a firm sentence is needed for that, and it is well known that Justice has its own tempos.

Among other aspects included in the agreement are the cancellation of 15,000 million of Catalan debt (to be paid by the other peoples of Spain), new transfers of competences, the transfer of 100% of the taxes settled there, pardons for hate crimes committed against Castilians and other Spanish peoples, the withdrawal from the Foreign Ministry’s website of the reports countering the secessionist propaganda on the unilateral declaration of independence, the recognition of Catalonia as a “nation,” etc. And this is only what its Catalan partners have obtained, especially Junts per Catalunya; to be added to the concessions to the other seven parties whose support he has needed.

Sánchez’s word

Pedro Sánchez does not do any of these things out of conviction, but because any price seems good to him as long as he stays in office. He is just a psychopath and shameless compulsive liar, devoid of all moral scruples, who would sell his mother to fulfill his personal ambitions.

The first party he got support from was EH Bildu (the political wing of the terrorist group ETA), with whom he had no problem meeting in front of the cameras. Before the election, however, what he said was: “I am saying that we are not going to make a deal with Bildu. If you want, I say it five times, or twenty, during the interview. We are not going to make a deal with Bildu. With Bildu, I repeat, we are not going to make a deal. If you want, I’ll repeat it again.”

Regarding any alliance with secessionist parties in general, he had said, “I am not going to be President of the Government at any cost. For me, first and foremost, the country comes first.” And also, “I am not going to allow the governability of Spain to rest on pro-independence parties.”

About his partner Puigdemont, he said, “I am committed to bring Mr. Puigdemont back to Spain and to bring him to account before Justice.”

Nor would there be a pardon: “I feel ashamed that a politician pardons other politicians.” Nor reduction of sentences for embezzlement.

Regarding the amnesty, he said:

The independence movement is not asking for a reform of the criminal code. What the independence movement is asking for — and you know it and the viewers know it — is amnesty; something that, of course, this government is not going to accept, and that, of course, does not enter in the legislation nor in the Spanish Constitution.

Now, after the election, he says he is going to carry out the amnesty . . . in the name of Spain and the Spanish coexistence. His own investiture partners explicitly deny what he says, assert that they do not give up the unilateral way of proclaiming independence (contrary to what a lying major U.S. newspaper has recently claimed), assert the legitimacy of the referendum of October 1, 2017, and reiterate that they will do it again in any case.

In short, it is impossible to summarize the number of occasions on which he has insulted the self-respect of his voters and pissed on their intellect.

None of these were spontaneous, thoughtless comments, nor distant in time from the facts, but reiterated constantly until a few days before doing the opposite.

Worst of all, he had already demonstrated his moral character after the previous election, so it could not come as a surprise to anyone. He had said that he would not form a coalition government with people of confidence of the neo-communist Pablo Iglesias, leader of Podemos, because “he would not sleep peacefully” at night. The day after the election, it was already decided to form a coalition government giving several ministries to Podemos and placing Iglesias himself as vice-president.

Since every minimally informed person knows that the word of the President is as valuable as a Monopoly bill, permanent control measures have been required by the secessionist parties to ensure that the steps are being followed, or so they say. They know that Sánchez can try to betray them by looking for any excuse, if he believes that it is no longer in his interest. Also, the secessionists have forced him to shield the amnesty law in such a way that the Constitutional Court or the Supreme Court cannot suspend it with precautionary measures.

In addition, the European Union will have to also pronounce itself legally on matters in which Spain does not have competence, especially regarding the amnesty of those accused of terrorism. In fact, the right, as useless as ever, is pinning much of its hopes on the EU — which has been so hard on Poland or Hungary for not bowing to cultural Marxism and not wanting to receive more invaders on their territory — taking action on the matter. It is not out of the question, of course, since general pardons are forbidden in the EU, and amnesty is even more serious.

The protests

Thus, all the associations of judges, prosecutors, etc., even the leftist ones, are astounded that, so blatantly, some politicians are going to overturn the sentences against them, and that they are going so far in destroying the separation of powers.

Many people are calling for a general strike on November 24, starting with the Vox-linked trade union Solidaridad.

Vox, a Spanish centralist and “far right” party, has already filed a complaint before the Supreme Court against the acting President for the commission of three crimes to that effect.

A series of protests has begun that has mobilized close to a million people all over Spain to defend the same thing that this illegitimate government was pretending to defend up to the time of the election.

Repression and popular anger

Several causes have intensified tensions, giving rise to several episodes of street violence, a rather unusual phenomenon within the so called right-wing political spectrum. Despite several days of completely peaceful and uneventful mobilizations, police forces were launched one day to brutally repress demonstrators who were peacefully gathering near the PSOE headquarters. The next day, this resulted in an increase in both the number of demonstrators and the anger among them.

In the images that have transcended, it can be seen how the officers used tear gas — without any provocation or aggression — against demonstrators who were scrupulously on the other side of the fences. With the excuse that some demonstrators had “ultra aesthetics,” the police went on the attack against crowds full of elderly people and some children, assaulting demonstrators who were retreating and were not causing any harm, and arresting elderly people and women in heels.

In fact, one of the most iconic images of these demonstrations has been of an elderly man who had COPD and had been gassed by police, being treated in an ambulance, and breathing with an oxygen mask: “This is the beginning. They are charging at old people. Spain has just woken up, sons of bitches.”

Against the people, police forces used batons, tear gas, and rubber bullets, which are not frequently used these days in Spain even against the most violent radicals. Some of these methods are so unusual that many people thought they were already banned.

Comparative grievances

This unjustified savagery contrasts with the leniency with which the pawns of the Government’s secessionist partners were treated. Unlike the minutes of endurance that police sources speak of on this occasion, in Catalonia it took them six days to intervene, and it was only because they were close to kill a policeman.

It also provokes outrage the fact that the use of such instruments is absolutely vetoed for the Spanish border guards, who have to face practically unarmed the violent mobs of invaders that enter Spain. (Not surprisingly, the police face them with very little success, and they get many policemen injured). Therefore, some of the most chanted slogans were: “With the Moors, you don’t have the balls” and “Take that police van to the border.”

Legal action has been announced against Marlaska, the Interior Minister, for the use of tear gas, but, of course, no one in the Government is considering resigning.

The police unions themselves have admitted receiving political instructions to put an end to these mobilizations. Some of them have called for the dismissal or resignation of the delegate of the Government, who is in charge of the police action.

Moreover, this police attitude is clearly insufficient for many people, who feel outraged by ungrateful policemen, after having defended them against the mistreatment they have suffered in Catalonia and against the attacks of pro-independence politicians and the Spanish far left. Many demonstrators shouted at the police sepoys “On October 1, I defended you”[1] and “Police, defend your country.”

Attempted political assassination

Another issue that has exacerbated the mood of the demonstrators is that one of the founders of Vox, Alejo Vidal-Quadras, was the victim of an attack after having published a tweet against “the infamous pact between Sánchez and Puigdemont that crushes in Spain the rule of law and ends with the separation of powers.”[2] That same day, he was to participate in the demonstrations.

The leftist media rushed to make the ridiculous claim that, although a motorist had shot him in the face without a word or struggle and then fled, Vidal-Quadras had been the victim of a mugging. The possibility that it was a hitman for the Iranian regime was also considered, but Iranian experts say it would be unheard of for the Ayatollahs’ regime to attack a foreign citizen in a foreign country. Iran focuses its reprisals against Iranian citizens; moreover, it has relatively acceptable relations with Spain and no reason to put them at risk. Vidal-Quadras saved his life only because the bullet, which was presumably aimed at his temple, passed through his upper jaw.

The meaning and outcome of the protests

Some are excited to see a re-edition of the old strategic alliance forged during the Civil War, when, roughly speaking, the Spanish left allied itself with the secessionists of some ethnically distinct regions. Unlike what happened in other times and what happens in other countries, the Spanish right is absurdly centralist, and the left is more or less indifferent to the unity of the State or maintains a different discourse in each region. It’s one of many things in which right and left have exchanged roles, especially after Franco’s regime.

The demonstrations, called mostly by right-wing parties, have been described as a “15-M of the right,” in reference to the citizen protests of 2011, which belonged mainly to the left. This time, people are also demanding a constitutional reform to reduce the power of the parties in favor of a more participatory citizen regime, criticizing the corruption and immorality of the political caste, demanding a separation of powers that the pseudo-socialists have always wanted to eliminate since former vice-president Alfonso Guerra said “Montesquieu is dead,” and lashing out against the absolutely politicized Justice in which judges (of the Constitutional Court, General Council of the Judiciary, etc.) are largely chosen by the parties. Well, this can easily lead to a new populism led by the right.

But these demonstrations can hardly lead to a “civil war,” as is being commented in some foreign media. In spite of the isolated violent events, provoked by the unjustifiable police action of the previous day, the truth is that these demonstrations are tremendously moderate. Among other things, because they also include disappointed voters of the PSOE itself. And it has often happened that salutes or flags too radical for the taste of some of the demonstrators have been booed, pretending in their centrist tyranny to deny a place to those who protest like them just because they have a genuinely different ideology and are not mere cuckservatives.

On the other hand, the perfectly coordinated and synchronized violence of small sectors within the protests makes it doubtful whether they were really a genuine radicalized popular fraction or whether they were saboteurs and police infiltrators, whose violent presence among the demonstrators has been proved. In fact, the police has even arrested some of their own infiltrators.

Actual demonstrators themselves sometimes pointed to people wearing masks so that they could be identified by the police, while chanting “violence does not represent us,” “they are infiltrators,” etc., which reminds us what happened at the Capitol, where some shouted “Antifa!” at the violent elements.

In fact, a good part of Sánchez’s own party voters, both within those ethnic regions and in the rest of the state, oppose this vote-trading and are disaffiliating themselves. Moreover, several of the party’s most historic leaders have spoken out against it. Even party deputies oppose all of this.

Until a few years ago, the partners of the Basque far left with whom Sánchez has made a pact were killing representatives of the PSOE for being a party of Spanish scope, which has generated the contempt of many of its supporters, after having sworn and perjured that he would not do so.

In reality, it would have been enough if only a few of the 121 PSOE deputies had voted against their candidate in the investiture. But precisely one of the problems of the Spanish regime is that, unlike the USA, it has closed lists. Therefore, no one dares to break the party’s voting discipline dictated by the leader; they face heavy fines or expulsion from the party.

And will there be secession due to this president? Probably not. Note how the red lines of the agreement are amnesty for politicians, but the independence part is left in deliberate ambiguity, regarding a “dialogue table” for a referendum on self-determination. Many of the demands in their negotiations and pacts show a purely economic interest, and focus on particular interests of the politicians, such as amnesty.

It is likely that many of these pro-independence movements will never achieve independence because they do not even really seek it, but only see the use of the secessionist threat as a means of extortion to obtain perks and privileges.[3] Puigdemont’s party did not even claim to be pro-independence until a few years ago, when it coincided with a larger than usual turnout for the Diada de Catalunya and the appearance of huge cases of corruption among historical leaders of the party. It was necessary to divert attention. And they succeeded.

What does this mean from a White Nationalist perspective?

Indeed, the unification-independence debate is a distraction; unless, of course, there is a manifest strategic advantage for our racial cause, and it advances the interests of White Nationalism for a clearly identifiable endogenous reason.

The first Identitarian party in Spain with relevant representation, Plataforma per Catalunya, emerged precisely there. The fact that Catalan politics focused thereafter on the issue of secession was deadly for that party and caused its demise, its remnants subsequently integrating into Vox or very small parties.

As White Nationalists, we cannot defend “self-determination” or secession per se, but only in the interest of higher principles, in the service of the White Cause, globally conceived.

Some of these pro-independence parties do not even define themselves as nationalist. And there is nothing surprising about this, because the motives for defending independence can be very variable, from the most idealistic or utopian to the most petty or hypocritical, passing through the purely strategic ones — which should be ours, given that the idoneous political-administrative level is given by circumstances (in today’s world, it would be absurd to divide ourselves administratively into clans or city-states, for example, even if it made sense back in time). No one should be misled into uncritically romanticizing independence-seeking movements under the automatic assumption that they are somehow ethnonationalist. Very few of them are.

If an independence party such as the Vlaams Belang or the former Lega Nord were to radicalize and succeed in making White Nationalism the hegemonic current in their respective regions, their secession would automatically turn them into the first White Ethnostates (after which others would more easily follow). The same would happen if the Euzko Alderdi Jeltzalea in the Basque Country, for example, was to return to its biologicist Identitarian origins and relegate secondary factors such as language to the background) and abandon its hatred of brother peoples, although that is extremely unlikely. No doubt, that would be an enormous gain for White Nationalism. However, in the case of the current pro-independence parties, and specifically the Catalan secessionists, who intend to give away nationality to non-Spanish (and, in general, non-White) invaders, then the balance is clearly negative.

As for the protests, from a White Nationalist point of view, we should not exaggerate their value either. (Elon Musk’s tweets, for example, are more valuable than this for the White Cause in Spain). And, while this will strengthen populism, there is grave risk that it will degenerate into politically sterile conservative causes. Surely, the most valuable thing in the longer term is that the usual silent majority is mobilizing, and the type of people who are not used to demonstrating are doing so.

The fact that the state political caste is willing to traffic so frivolously with the future of society certainly also helps to destroy whatever confidence and legitimacy the regime may still have left in the minds of the citizenry.

In fact, despite the defense of the Constitution by Vox and the center-right PP, there are important sectors that are questioning the legitimacy of the current regime, born out of the negotiations of 1978, after Franco’s death. One of the iconic symbols used in the demonstrations have been Spanish flags with the part of the current coat of arms cut off, imitating the anti-communist demonstrators in Romania against Ceaușescu, who also amputated the communist coat of arms that occupied the center of the country’s official flag at that time.

Another important aspect this points out to us is that, regardless of the shortcomings of the current Spanish secessionist parties, we have much to learn from them and their methods of pressure, in order to achieve our goals.

For example, the Spanish Congress consists of 350 members, while the six different secessionist and regionalist parties from various parts of the state that have given their support to President Sánchez number only 27 of them altogether. That is 7.7% of the Congress. It is not much in absolute terms, but when the electoral results are fairly balanced between the two big parties, this gives them immense power within the Parliament.

Electocracy (what they call “democracy”) is a system that ensures that, sooner or later, all sorts of unprincipled but gold-tongued amoral cynics end up needing the support of minority parties to come to power. When that happens by narrow margins, a party with 5% of the total vote can have even more leverage and extract more concessions — secretly or not — than one with 45% support. And even when it is not possible, at least one of the major parties will be forced to adopt its discourse — normalizing it, in the process — as a way to win back the votes that have gone to it in favor of that ascendant minority party. In fact, one of the best things that has happened in Spanish politics has been the breakup of the two-party system, which began innocently enough as a protest vote against corruption, and which has contributed enormously to the radicalization and mobilization of the people that we are seeing in the last years.

Strategically, the secessionist movements are our best model to follow and should be one of our main objects of study concerning activism, second only to the proven successful methods of Jewry to gain power among us.

Notes

[1] In reference to the illegal referendum of 2017, which was just a propaganda pantomime to obtain images of incidents with the police charging against “voters,” in order to generate international sympathy (and, indeed, they attracted great criticism against the police), and to get 90% of votes in favor of independence (given that non-secessionists, considering it illegitimate, did not turn out to vote, and there was only a 43% turnout). In the actual Catalan autonomous election, which had also been set up as a kind of referendum by the secessionist parties, they lost in number of votes to the non-secessionists. Subsequently, they disregarded the fact that they had been proposed in this way. On the other hand, since 2014, support for independence has lost much of its citizen support.

[2] The Catalan Vidal-Quadras, who was the first president of Vox, is a moderate, who was quickly replaced by the current president of the party, the Basque Santiago Abascal, who serves as a bridge between the “libertarian” and “traditionalist” factions of the party. Recently, after the poor results of the last election, the “traditionalist” sector, led by the Catalan Jaime Buxadé, related to the Falange, has largely purged elements of the other. Basques and Catalans (and Galicians, like Franco) have played an enormous role in the exacerbated Spanish centralist movement. We must bear in mind that the case of the ethnic groups in Spain is very different from the Irish case, for example. In Spain, internal nationalisms, apart from not existing as a real political force until the 20th century, are unserious versions of victimhood reminiscent of the lying libels of the BLM.

[3] Many are not sincere independentists, but only “processists,” who seek to profit more from the path than from the supposed goal, just as Dr. William Pierce spoke of Israel’s peace “process” as a ruse designed only to maintain the flow of aid from the White world to the Zionist State to reward it for its “progress,” despite the fact that Israel has been making as much progress for more than half a century as Penelope, wife of Ulysses, who unweaved by night what she had woven by day.